A:
Introduction
The Office of
Special Prosecutor (OSP) must be exhausted. This is an office that was set up
as a specialised agency to investigate and prosecute corruption and
corruption-related offences involving public officers and politically exposed
persons. The law that set up the OSP stated that it must prosecute the designated
offences on the authority of the Attorney-General. A concerned citizen of the
Republic has filed a constitutional case in the Supreme Court challenging the
OSP’s action of prosecuting cases without the Attorney-General’s authorisation
as required by law.[1]
This article discusses two matters arising from the effect of the interlocutory
ruling on the OSP’s application for joinder in Adamtey v Attorney-General.[2]
The first is the notion that without the OSP’s participation in the
proceedings, the plaintiff and the defendant are of the same mind (ad idem, on pain of sounding
colloquial). Thus, there is no ‘real’ or ‘live’ issue of contention before the Supreme
Court.
The second
matter for discussion is the notion of ‘symbiotic posturing’ being exhibited by
the parties. It has been argued that such posturing casts doubt on the
legitimacy of the parties’ contentions and arguments. It also appears to
reflect badly on the apex Court as using its precious time to dabble in
‘non-issues’ when serious cases are stuck in the dark tunnel of adjudication.
B:
Should the OSP have been joined in the case?
The plaintiff
sued the Attorney-General in Adamtey v
Attorney-General[3]
to question the OSP’s alleged breach of its constituent Act (Act 959 of 2017).
The plaintiff did not join the OSP as a defendant. In due course when the suit
came to the OSP’s attention, the OSP took steps to join and defend its
position. But the OSP’s application for joinder was dismissed. The Supreme Court
ruled that the OSP’s presence was not necessary for deciding the issues presented
by the plaintiff.
At first
glance, the Supreme Court’s decision not to allow the OSP to join the
proceedings appears to be fair. After all, the OSP is an office that works
directly under the Attorney-General, the defendant. Thus, it would not seem out
of place if the Attorney- General were the sole defendant to defend the action;
ultimately in the OSP’s interest. However, the optics in the case presents an
entirely different reality. Contrary to the expectation that the
Attorney-General (the defendant) would put up a different case to challenge the
plaintiff’s claim for relief, the Attorney-General’s ‘defence’ is in support of
the plaintiff’s case.
With the
Attorney-General not only singing from the same hymnal as the plaintiff but
also singing the same ‘tenor’ part, one does not need any oracular consultation
to see that the OSP’s interest in the case is hardly secure. If one wants to be
metaphoric, the OSP could be likened to an orphan in this instance. Indeed, the
mother hen that is expected to protect the OSP from the claws of the hawk has
joined the hawk in singing and dancing to “krekete soya.”
It is for this
reason that one would have expected the Supreme Court to grant the OSP leave to
join the case as a defendant and defend itself. After all, the OSP is a
statutory corporate body created under the full legislative force and power of
the Republic. It has capacity to sue and be sued. It has the legal right to access
the courts just like every other person – human, corporate or otherwise. Thus,
to be shut out of the corridors of justice when its prosecutorial power is on
the precipice is an unfortunate turn of events. In the absence of a ‘proper’
defendant in the case, it is submitted that the Supreme Court may be disabled
from effectively resolving the issues in controversy presented in the
plaintiff’s case.
The Supreme
Court has encountered joinder applications similar to that of Adamtey v Attorney-General[4]
in its 150 years old lifetime. There
have been cases in the Supreme Court where there have already been ‘real’
defendants or respondents prepared to do substantial battle with plaintiffs.
Nonetheless, the Supreme Court has granted leave to other persons to join the
case as defendant or respondent to ensure that all matters in dispute between
the parties are completely and effectually determined.[5]
It will be
recalled that in the 2012 Presidential election challenge case of In re Presidential Election Petition;
Akufo-Addo, Bawumia & Obestebi-Lamptey (No. 4) v Mahama, Electoral
Commission & National Democratic Congress (No. 4),[6] the Supreme Court granted an order for
the National Democratic Congress (the political party whose President-elect was
being challenged) to join the case as third respondents. The petitioners were Nana
Akufo-Addo (the National Patriotic Party (NPP) presidential candidate), his
running-mate Dr. Bawumia and Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey (the Chairman of the NPP).[7]
There have
also been cases where the Supreme Court has made an order for a person who had
not been joined as a defendant - but whose rights were at stake in the
proceedings - to be joined as ‘defendant.’ A classic example of such situations
is the case of Okudzeto Ablakwah &
Another v Attorney-General & Obetsebi-Lamptey.[8] This
was the case in which Hon. Okudzeto Ablakwa and the late Dr. Omane Boamah sued
in the Supreme Court to challenge the sale of a Government bungalow to the late
Mr. Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey. They initially sued the Attorney-General, the
Chairman of the Lands Commission and the Chief Registrar of Lands as defendants.
The Supreme
Court struck out the two other defendants and the Attorney-General became the
sole defendant. The plaintiffs did not sue Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey. It was Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey
himself who later applied to join as a defendant in his capacity as the lessee
and beneficiary of the grant of the Government bungalow in dispute. Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey’s
application was granted and that was how he became a defendant in the case.
The
interesting aspect of the Okudzeto
Ablakwah case was that, had the Supreme Court failed to join Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey
as defendant, it is doubtful whether the Attorney-General would have defended
and protected his interest in the manner he did himself. Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey’s
situation in Okudzeto Ablakwah &
Another v Attorney-General & Obetsebi-Lamptey[9] has
a striking resemblance to the OSP’s Adamtey
v Attorney-General.[10]
The only difference is that whereas Mr. Obetsebi-Lamptey had his day in court -
and defeated the plaintiffs, the OSP has had no such luck. The OPS can only
perch on the rooftop of the Supreme Court and peep in to the ongoing proceedings
and pray for prosecutorial salvation.
C:
The doctrine of ‘symbiotic posturing’
I came across
the expression “symbiotic posturing” for the first time in Mr. Justice Gabriel
Pwamang’s dissenting opinion in the case of Francis
Osei-Bonsu v Attorney-General.[11]
This was a case where a citizen sued the Attorney-General at the Supreme Court
for a declaration granting dual citizens the right to hold certain public
offices such as Chief Justice, Justice of the Supreme Court, Director-General
of Prisons, Chief Fire Officer and so on.
In the light
of the submissions made by the plaintiff and the Attorney-General, it was not
too difficult for one to see the symbiotic nature of the parties’ posturing. In
the Attorney–General’s statement of case, he expressed substantial support for
the views and positions canvassed by the plaintiff. The Attorney-General
ascribed his unusual stance to "the spirit of intellectual honesty"
and after "careful consideration." The majority panel of the Supreme
Court admitted that the Attorney-General’s approach was “uncommon.” But they
found it “impressive and for that matter commendable.”[12]
The plaintiff’s declarations and orders sought were granted.
In his
dissenting opinion, Mr. Justice Pwamang deprecated the plaintiff and the
Attorney-General’s symbiotic posturing. Secondly, he queried whether, on the
face of the plaintiff's writ and his statement of case, the case filed raised a
real constitutional controversy for adjudication. And thirdly, whether the
original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court had been properly invoked. He
answered all the questions in the negative. He prophesied that holding otherwise
would “set a dangerous precedent that may come back to haunt the Court in the
future and I do not wish to be part of it.”
Indeed, Mr.
Justice Pwamang added that he could not grant the reliefs sought by the
plaintiff since he had sued on a matter that had not been shown to have
occasioned any injustice. To reiterate Mr. Justice Pwamang’s view in Francis Osei-Bonsu v Attorney-General,[13]
the question to ask is this: What injustice has been caused by the OSP’s
prosecution of corruption cases without the Attorney-General’s authorisation in
Adamtey v Attorney-General?[14]
As a constitutional case, the
Attorney-General is the defendant in
Adamtey v
Attorney-General.[15]
By all accounts, the Attorney-General has embraced the case with all
seriousness beyond what the Department would usually do as a ‘nominal’
defendant. The OSP whose conduct and actions form the basis of the suit was not
added as a defendant. The OSP reportedly applied to join the case but the
application was dismissed. In effect, the case is a ‘showdown’ (apologies to Mr.
Kennedy Agyapong) between two parties who are in court expressing the same
views on the subject-matter of the plaint. In fact, a more fitting description
of the Attorney-General is a “co-plaintiff” rather than defendant. In the
meantime, the party whose past and future actions are going to be affected by
the Supreme Court’s decision is sitting on the sideline, biting its nail in
anxious anticipation.
The question
that confronts one dealing with a case where both the plaintiff and defendant are
of the same mind on the issues and reliefs before the court can be put thus: If
both parties are in agreement on the plaint, issues and reliefs sought, what is
the point in going to court? What ‘controversy’ is there to be resolved? Most especially,
in the Supreme Court whose role is to interpret and enforce laws?
To put it more
graphically, imagine two friends who approach the Supreme Court, arm in arm, with
broad smiles and plead as follows:
“Hello, Honourable Justices, we need
certain declarations and orders made for our joint benefit. Since litigation
necessarily entails having a ‘plaintiff’ and a ‘defendant,’ we will present
ourselves as such. We will file statements of case, mimicking each other in the
spirit of intellectual honesty. Never mind that such an approach is uncommon at
best, and egregious at worst. Just hear us out and give us our desired
declarations. We will handle anyone who later describes your decision as
“contrived,” “rubber-stamp(ed),” “cooked” or “judicially-engineered.” Easy as
pie!”
How will the Supreme Court receive such
an approach?
D:
Conclusion
The case filed in the Supreme Court in Adamtey v Attorney-General[16]
may go a long way to enriching Ghana’s constitutional democracy and rule of
law credentials. It is contended that in such important constitutional cases, opportunity
must be given to persons whose interests and rights would be impacted by the Court’s
decision to be made parties. That could be so whether such persons are joined
at the outset or they are joined during the pendency of the case.
Most importantly, the courts must guard
against embracing suits in which the parties present cases that only reinforce
the plaint filed. ‘Controversy’ is the lifeblood of adjudication. Where there
is no controversy, adjudication becomes a plaything.
Photo
credit: https://www.pexels.com
[1] See:
Office of the Special Prosecutor Act, 2017 (Act 959). The case filed at the
Supreme Court is titled Noah Ephraim
Tetteh Adamtey v Attorney-General Suit No. J1/3/2026, SC
[2] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[3] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[4] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[5]
For detailed reading on the principles and test for joinder of parties in civil
proceedings, see: Francisca Serwaa Boateng, CIVIL PROCEDURE & PRACTICE IN
GHANA (2023) p. 91-109
[6] [2013] SCGLR (Special Edition) 73
[7] On
the peculiar facts of the case being a Presidential election petition, the
Supreme Court itself and other renowned legal commentators criticised the
joinder and advocated for new rules that will limit the parties to only those
whose presence will be necessary in determining Presidential election petitions
in an expeditious manner: See: Especially the majority opinion of Dotse, JSC
and the late Dr. S. Y. Bimpong-Buta’s editorial note on In re Presidential Election Petition; Akufo-Addo, Bawumia &
Obestebi-Lamptey (No. 4) v Mahama, Electoral Commission & National
Democratic Congress (No. 4) [2013] SCGLR
(Special Edition) 73. The criticisms prompted the Rules of Court Committee to
introduce the amendment in Rule 68A of the Supreme Court Rules, 1996 (C.I. 16) -
introduced by C.I. 74 - that now limits the parties in Presidential election
petitions to three (3). That is to say, the petitioner, the person declared
elected as President and the Electoral Commission.
[8] [2011] 2 SCGLR 986
[9] Same place
[10] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[11] Writ
No. J1/18/2023 judgment dated 24th April, 2024, SC
[12]
See: Opinion of Kulendi, JSC, with Gertrude Sackey Torkornoo, CJ concurring
[13] Writ
No. J1/18/2023 judgment dated 24th April, 2024, SC
[14] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[15] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC
[16] Suit
No. J1/3/2026, SC

